To commemorate the 75th anniversary of the International Military Tribunal, Crime Story presents a new series, NUREMBERG. Sean Smith examines the many dimensions of the historic judicial proceedings. Drawing on official transcripts of the trial, as well as a vast bibliography of first- and second-hand accounts, NUREMBERG tells the stories behind the legal, political and personal struggles which complicated this revolutionary exercise in international jurisprudence. You can find previous episodes of our Nuremberg series here.


As Robert Jackson lays out the prosecution’s case before the International Military Tribunal on November 21, 1945, he addresses two audiences. One is world opinion or, in Jackson’s formulation, Civilization. The other is the “twenty-odd broken men” seated in the dock opposite him, the remnants of Nazi leadership — chief among them Prisoner Number One, former Reichsmarschall Hermann Goering. 

JACKSON: NO CHARITY CAN DISGUISE THE FACT THAT THE FORCES WHICH THESE DEFENDANTS REPRESENT, THE FORCES THAT WOULD ADVANTAGE AND DELIGHT IN THEIR ACQUITTAL, ARE THE DARKEST AND MOST SINISTER FORCES IN SOCIETY-DICTATORSHIP AND OPPRESSION, MALEVOLENCE AND PASSION, MILITARISM AND LAWLESSNESS. BY THEIR FRUITS WE BEST KNOW THEM. THEIR ACTS HAVE BATHED THE WORLD IN BLOOD AND SET CIVILIZATION BACK A CENTURY. THEY HAVE SUBJECTED THEIR EUROPEAN NEIGHBORS TO EVERY OUTRAGE AND TORTURE, EVERY SPOLIATION AND DEPRIVATION THAT INSOLENCE, CRUELTY, AND GREED COULD INFLICT. THEY HAVE BROUGHT THE GERMAN PEOPLE TO THE LOWEST PITCH OF WRETCHEDNESS, FROM WHICH THEY CAN ENTERTAIN NO HOPE OF EARLY DELIVERANCE. THEY HAVE STIRRED HATREDS AND INCITED DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ON EVERY CONTINENT. THESE ARE THE THINGS THAT STAND IN THE DOCK SHOULDER TO SHOULDER WITH THESE PRISONERS. 

Jackson is acutely aware of the outsized challenge Goering presents prosecutors. Charismatic, armed with his mystique as Hitler’s one-time chosen successor, the former Supreme Commander of the Luftwaffe embodies all the hubris and ersatz chivalry of the fallen regime. Far from broken, the career military man is defiant, confident and critical. Goering is Jackson’s foremost adversary. 

Goering relishes his self-appointed role as Jackson foil and unofficial leader of the Nuremberg defendants. In their 2011 biography of the Reichsmarschall, historians Roger Manvell and Heinrich Fraenkel describe the longtime Nazi leader as a man who, though shorn of the trappings of power and fated to be executed, nevertheless calls upon deep reserves of pride and showmanship to make the most of his last turn in the spotlight. 

MANVELL AND FRAENKEL: GOERING KNEW THAT HE WAS THE STAR OF THE COURT DRAMA, AND THAT THE TRIAL WOULD BE HIS FINAL AND GREATEST OPPORTUNITY TO WIN BACK SOME REGARD FOR HIMSELF AND FOR THE REGIME OF WHICH HE WAS NOW THE PRINCIPAL SURVIVING FIGURE. HE KNEW THAT THE WHOLE WORLD WOULD WATCH HIM WITH UNIQUE CURIOSITY, THAT HIS BEHAVIOR COULD MAKE HEADLINES IN THE WORLD PRESS AND THAT HIS EVERY GESTURE COULD BE RECORDED FOR HISTORY… HE PREPARED HIMSELF TO GIVE THE STAR PERFORMANCE OF HIS LIFE. HE HAD EVERYTHING TO GAIN AND NOTHING TO LOSE.

Goering’s confidence and star power in the defendants’ box in late November are not givens, however. They are evidence of his epic makeover from the shell of the man that he was when arrested in the immediate aftermath of the Nazi Regime’s collapse, just seven months earlier. 

APRIL-MAY, 1945 

We travel back those seven months to the late Spring of 1945. Hitler is ensconced in Berlin, the Bavarian Goering sheltering with family members at his private castle in Berchtesgaden. As the noose tightens around them, Hitler acknowledges Goering’s unique ability to communicate with the Allies. “When it comes to negotiating for peace, [he] can do that better than I,” Hitler remarks to Jodl, Keitel and others. “Goering is much better at those things. He can deal much better with the other side.” By April 23, the one-time Lieutenant General of the SA resolves to seek out General Eisenhower for a “man to man” parlay. 

As Goering schemes to execute this plan, Martin Bormann — Hitler’s private secretary and gatekeeper — is undermining the Reichsmarschall with the Fuhrer. Bormann convinces Hitler that Goering plans to betray the Reich for his own benefit; Goering is blindsided when the Fuhrer accuses him of high treason and demands that he resign his many offices and relinquish all succession rights. 

Bormann dispatches two S.S. officers to Berchtesgaden to enforce the order and place Goering and his family under house arrest. One week later, the regime is in ruins. Hitler commits suicide alongside Eva Braun, and their bodies are cremated in the Chancellery garden. Bormann disappears. The S.S. move the disgraced Luftwaffe chief to his castle at Mauterndorf, together with family and staff. As the Allied forces converge, Goering and his entourage flee towards the American lines. He is finally apprehended by the U.S. Army in early May when his caravan of touring cars becomes hopelessly trapped in a postwar traffic jam. 

Devastated by Hitler’s sudden betrayal and the chaos of the Nazi collapse, Goering is driven to extreme behaviors. Already addicted to paracodeine, a mild derivative of morphine which he munches on like breath mints, he overindulges in food and drink. Stress and obesity have made him susceptible to heart palpitations; climbing a flight of stairs leaves him dizzy and winded. Disoriented, stripped of all honors and moral support, the captured Goering little resembles the strutting air ace and Luftwaffe commander of legend. Notes one early observer: “It was difficult to recognize this short, fat, man as the Goering of newspaper history.”

Despite his degraded condition, Goering’s initial treatment at the hands of the victorious Americans jibes with his fantasies of military codes of honor and the mutual respect accorded former combatants. He is shuttled first to Zell am See, then Kitzbühel, where he is seen on a hotel balcony chatting with his captors, champagne glass in his hand. He is soon disabused of his unreasonable expectations of special treatment, however. By May 11, he is transferred to Augsburg where it is made clear that he is a prisoner of war, not “Napoleon on his way to Elba,” as one memoirist phrases it; on May 20, Goering is sent to “Ashcan,” the requisitioned Palace Hotel in Bad Mondorf, Luxembourg, for interrogation. 

MAY-AUGUST, 1945 

At Bad Mondorf, Goering first comes under the supervision of Colonel Burton C. Andrus, described as “a spit-and-polish West Pointer who sported riding breeches, a shiny helmet liner, highly polished boots, and bejeweled pistols on his belt.” Goering finds the strutting former cavalry officer in his bespoke uniform ridiculous, calling him the “Fire Brigade Colonel” behind his back. Andrus is shocked by the overweight and drug-addicted Goering and pledges to wean him of his paracodeine. “[His] perversions,” observes Andrus, “have brought him to a state of emotional instability.”

Instead of resisting his rehabilitation, Goering cooperates with the new regimen, resolved to get himself into mental and physical condition for the trial ahead. Ever the narcissist, part of him enjoys the focussed attention. After a compulsory physical exam, Goering grins when informed that his heart is sound; the palpitations, Andrus assures him, are caused by “nothing but fear.” According to Andrus, his smile immediately faded. 

As Goering’s health gradually improves, so does his defiance. Later, he confides to his co-defendants that “I wish we could all have the courage to confine our defense to three simple words: Lick my arse.”

In the months to come, Goering works to recover his health and renew his self-confidence. Ironically, his captors help him in both regards. Goering gains strength from adversity. At Bad Mondorf, the interrogation of the captive Nazi leadership begins in earnest. In the chaotic aftermath of hostilities, these interrogations by Military Intelligence officers lack focus. “Goering knows that we are trying to convict him of something,” observes an interrogating officer, “but he is not quite sure what that is and is continually fishing for news that might give him a ‘lead.’” In his memoir, Witness to Nuremberg, Richard W. Sonnenfeldt, German émigré turned U.S. Army private who will later serve as the chief interpreter for the American prosecutors at Nuremberg, is critical of these early, clumsy searches for incriminating information. Goering, he concludes, toys with his captors, assessing them like a poker player on the lookout for “tells.”

SONNENFELDT: PRIOR TO BEING LODGED IN THE JAIL AT NUREMBERG, [GOERING] HAD… CHARMED OR INTIMIDATED INTERPRETERS. I HAD TRANSCRIPTS OF HIS INTERROGATIONS BY MILITARY INTELLIGENCE IN MONDORF, WHERE HE HAD BEEN VERY ARROGANT WHEN CONFRONTED WITH QUESTIONS BASED ON NEWSPAPER REPORTS AND COMMON KNOWLEDGE OF HIS ACTIVITIES. HE HAD CONFUSED HIS QUESTIONERS, WHO DID NOT HAVE THE CAPTURED DOCUMENTS… WITH HAUGHTY, IRRELEVANT REPLIES. 

Goering and his fellow detainees at Bad Mondorf are also subject to interviews and psychological evaluations conducted by Major Douglas M. Kelley, a U.S. Army Military Intelligence officer and University of California and Columbia University trained psychiatrist. As official prison psychiatrist, Kelley will later accompany the accused to Nuremberg; there, he will be joined by psychiatrist Leon Goldensohn and German-speaking psychologist Gustave Gilbert. But for the summer months at Bad Mondorf, as Jackson and the Allies are hammering out IMT logistics in London, it is Kelley who interacts most regularly with the Nazi defendants. He handles Goering with respect, offering the Reichsmarschall the audience he covets. Goering is disarmingly candid with Kelley, evidence of his growing confidence. He is, in fact, the opposite of circumspect, particularly concerning predictions about his ultimate legacy. In retrospect, it is clear that Goering is slowly working out what will become his defense strategy. 

GOERING: YES, I KNOW I SHALL HANG. YOU KNOW I SHALL HANG. I AM READY. BUT I AM DETERMINED TO GO DOWN IN GERMAN HISTORY AS A GREAT MAN. IF I CANNOT CONVINCE THE COURT, I SHALL AT LEAST CONVINCE THE GERMAN PEOPLE THAT ALL I DID WAS DONE FOR THE GREATER GERMAN REICH. IN FIFTY OR SIXTY YEARS THERE WILL BE STATUES OF HERMANN GOERING ALL OVER GERMANY. 

AUGUST 12, 1945 

A rejuvenated Goering and his co-defendants are flown to Nuremberg; having successfully kicked his paracodeine habit and lost weight, Goering according to one account “was enjoying a vitality he had not experienced in years.” As their plane crosses the Rhine, Goering reportedly urges his fellow passengers to look down at the iconic waterway because “That’s the last you may ever see of it.” We should not hear wistful nostalgia in this, however. In fact, Goering is issuing a call to arms.

The defendants are processed into the massive prison complex adjacent to Nuremberg’s  Palace of Justice. They are each stripped and examined by physicians, then dressed in ill-fitting surplus GI uniforms and escorted to their cell. Goering is locked into Cell #5, which historian Ben E. Swearingen describes in detail. 

SWEARINGEN: CELL #5 WAS TYPICAL OF THOSE USED TO CONFINE ALL OF THE ACCUSED DURING THE TRIAL. THE ONLY FURNITURE IN THE TINY (4 METERS BY 2.3 METERS) CUBICLE WAS A METAL BUNK BOLTED TO THE FLOOR AND COVERED BY A MATTRESS, A FLIMSY TABLE DESIGNED TO BREAK UNDER THE WEIGHT OF A MAN, AND A CHAIR THAT REMAINED IN THE CELL ONLY DURING THE DAY. A PRIMITIVE TOILET WITHOUT A SEAT WAS IN A RECESSED ALCOVE TO THE RIGHT OF THE DOOR. TO REDUCE THE POSSIBILITY OF SUICIDE, THE CELL HAD BEEN DRASTICALLY MODIFIED BY THE REMOVAL OF ALL ELECTRICAL WIRING, ALL METAL PROJECTIONS FROM THE WALL, AND THE REPLACEMENT OF THE GLASS IN THE ONE HIGH WINDOW WITH PLEXIGLAS. THE CELL HAD NOT BEEN PROPERLY MAINTAINED FOR YEARS, THE WHITEWASHED WALLS WERE FILTHY, AND LARGE PATCHES OF PLASTER HAD FALLEN AWAY. THE LARGE WOODEN DOOR HAD A PORTAL THROUGH WHICH THE PRISONERS COULD BE OBSERVED BY A SENTINEL OUTSIDE THE CELL. THROUGHOUT THE NIGHT A LIGHT WAS FIXED TO SHINE THROUGH THIS APERTURE, MAKING SLEEP ALL BUT IMPOSSIBLE FOR GOERING, WHO WAS NOT ALLOWED TO TURN AWAY FROM THE GLARE OR PUT HIS HEADS BENEATH THE COVERS. 

Confined to their cells for most of the day, the prisoners are permitted thirty minutes of exercise in the cramped prison yard, which they circle again and again along a beaten path. It is during these brief reunions that Goering assesses the physical and mental health of his co-defendants. According to historians Ann and John Tusa, Goering uses the exercise yard as an opportunity to entertain, browbeat, encourage and chastise the other men. 

ANN AND JOHN TUSA: THE LIFE AND SOUL OF THE EXERCISE YARD WAS GOERING: AFFABLE, ALWAYS TRYING TO KEEP UP EVERYONE’S SPIRITS AND INSPIRE THEM TO A GOOD PERFORMANCE AT THE TRIAL. THEIR ONLY CRIME HAD BEEN TO LOSE THE WAR, HE ASSURED THEM. IF ALL ELSE FAILED, HE WOULD TRY BRACING [THEM], ON ONE OCCASION PROMISING THEM ALL MARBLE SARCOPHAGI FROM A GRATEFUL NATION, ON ANOTHER GUARANTEED PLACES IN VALHALLA… 

With the London Agreement and Charter signed, the Allied investigation into the criminal activities of the defendants at last becomes both targeted and exhaustive. Interrogations resume under the supervision of Nuremberg Prison Chief Interrogator Colonel John Amen. The 47-year old Amen had previously served as a special prosecutor investigating official corruption in Brooklyn; he’d also successfully prosecuted members of the notorious Murder, Inc. Richard Sonnenfeldt, chief interpreter for the U.S. prosecutors, recalls translating for Amen. 

SONNENFELDT: WE HEARD SHUFFLING FOOTSTEPS. AND THERE, ACCOMPANIED BY A WHITE-HELMETED GUARD, WAS GOERING, IN HIS FADED GRAY UNIFORM, WITH DISCOLORED RECTANGLES ON THE COLLAR AND THE LAPELS WHERE HIS MARSHAL’S INSIGNIA HAD BEEN. WITH FELT BOOTS PROVIDED BY HIS JAILER TO PROTECT HIS FEET FROM THE COLD STONE FLOORS, HE WAS BEING WEANED FROM DRUGS… AND HIS FACE WAS PUFFY AND GRAY. BREATHING HEAVILY, HE WAS APPARENTLY EXHAUSTED FROM DRAGGING HIMSELF UP THE STAIRS FROM HIS PRISON CELL. BUT AS HE ENTERED, I NOTICED THAT HIS EYES WERE ALERT, HIS EYEBROWS SLIGHTLY RAISED, AND HE MOVED DELIBERATELY, SOMEHOW MANAGING TO KEEP AN AURA OF AUTHORITY. I LOOKED AT HIS HANDS, NOW STRIPPED OF THE HUGE RINGS HE HAD ONCE WORN. WITH NO JEWELED FIELD MARSHAL’S BATON TO CLASP, HIS FINGERS WERE TREMBLING, EVER SO SLIGHTLY. HE UNDOUBTEDLY REALIZED THAT THIS WAS GOING TO BE DIFFERENT FROM PREVIOUS SESSIONS, WHICH HAD BEEN QUASI-SOCIAL OCCASIONS. HE KNEW WE WERE HERE TO GET HIM TO INCRIMINATE HIMSELF AND THAT HE WAS HERE TO DEFEND HIMSELF. 

With Amen’s permission, initially Sonnenfeldt deliberately mispronounces the Reichsmarschall’s name (“gering” means “little nothing”) in order to further destabilize him. Despite ego-demeaning tactics such as this, Goering lets it be known that Sonnenfeldt is his favorite interpreter. By his own count, Sonnenfeldt eventually spends more than a hundred hours with the Reichsmarschall

Goering is interrogated on twenty-four different days between late August and October 20. The frequency of the sessions no doubt acquaints Goering with the range and severity of the evidence to be wielded against him by prosecutors. Nevertheless, Goering cherishes these opportunities to revisit his prominent role in the Nazi power structure and challenge his captors. He slips easily into the high stakes give-and-take of the interviews, reassured and perhaps even inspired by the attention. In an October 3, 1945 session with Colonel Amen, Goering’s answers are far from remorseful. Instead, they read like a rough draft of a yet-to-be-penned autobiography, the reminiscences of an indispensable witness to History.

QUESTION: DO YOU THINK THE FUEHRER IS DEAD?

ANSWER: ABSOLUTELY, NO DOUBT ABOUT IT.

QUESTION: WHAT MAKES YOU THINK SO?

ANSWER: WELL, THIS IS QUITE OUT OF THE QUESTION. WE ALWAYS KNEW THAT THE FUEHRER WOULD KILL HIMSELF IF THINGS WERE COMING TO AN END. WE ALWAYS KNEW THAT. THERE IS NOT THE LEAST DOUBT ABOUT IT.

QUESTION: WELL, WAS THERE ANY UNDERSTANDING OR AGREEMENT TO THAT EFFECT?

ANSWER: YES, HE SAID THIS ONLY TOO CLEARLY AND TOO EXPLICITLY TO DIFFERENT PEOPLE, AND WE ALL KNEW ABOUT THIS EXACTLY.

QUESTION: WHAT ABOUT BORMANN?

ANSWER: (THROWING HANDS INTO THE AIR) IF I HAD MY SAY IN IT, I HOPE HE IS FRYING IN HELL… 

OCTOBER 19, 1945 

British Major Airey Neave, who as a P.O.W. had famously escaped from the Nazi’s Colditz prison, is tasked by the IMT with serving the indictments on each of the defendants. He is accompanied on this grim ritual by IMT General Secretary Harold Willey, Sonnenfeldt, Andrus, Dr. Kelley, a Lutheran chaplain, and multiple guards. One after the other, cell doors are opened and Neave and his entourage enter to hand-deliver and read the full text of the indictment in German. They also supply each of the accused with a list of available defense counsel. 

First up is Goering. According to Neave, the Reichsmarshall looks both serious and depressed as he listens. “So it has come,” he mutters. “So it has come.” When Neave reminds Goering that he is entitled to counsel of his own choosing, Goering grandly dismisses the suggestion.

GOERING: I DON’T KNOW ANYTHING OF THE GENTLEMEN ON THIS LIST. I HAVE NOTHING WHATEVER TO DO WITH LAWYERS. YOU WILL HAVE TO FIND ONE FOR ME, HERR MAJOR. PERSONALLY, I DO NOT THINK THAT ANY GERMAN LAWYER WOULD DARE SPEAK IN FRONT OF THIS ALLIED TRIBUNAL. WOULD IT NOT BE BETTER IF I WERE TO DEFEND MYSELF?… IT ALL SEEMS PRETTY HOPELESS TO ME. I MUST READ THIS INDICTMENT  VERY CAREFULLY, BUT I DO NOT SEE HOW IT CAN HAVE ANY BASIS IN LAW. 

Goering then turns to Sonnenfeldt and confides, “Now I need a good interpreter even more than a lawyer.” 

Neave and his party repeat this procedure twenty-one more times, meeting with twenty-one different receptions. According to one account, Hans Frank bursts into tears. Alfred Rosenberg and Joachim von Ribbentrop worry about finding adequate legal representation, and Wilhelm Keitel attempts a military salute, clicking his heels together despite wearing thick felt slippers. The indictments served, the defendants have just over a month to select their attorneys and organize their individual defenses; Goering eventually relents, choosing Dr. Otto Stahmer, a High Court judge, to defend him. Interrogations cease immediately; Amen and his staff shift their attention to potential witnesses for the prosecution, leaving the defendants to consult with their attorneys in the remaining days leading up to the trial. 

OCTOBER 20 – NOVEMBER 19 

Prison psychologist Dr. Gustave Gilbert arrives in Nuremberg on October 20, tasked by Andrus with assessing pre-trial prisoner morale. Gilbert’s diary offers invaluable insights into the varied mental states of the accused. One of his first entries concerns his October 23 visit to a visibly agitated Dr. Robert Ley; in the course of the interview, the pacing and stuttering Ley leans back against the cell wall and spreads his arms melodramatically, as if being crucified. Gilbert goes on to record Ley’s tragic denouement. 

GILBERT: THE NEXT NIGHT [LEY] WAS FOUND STRANGLED IN HIS CELL. HE HAD MADE A NOOSE FROM THE STRIPPED EDGES OF AN ARMY TOWEL TIED TOGETHER AND FASTENED TO THE TOILET PIPE. IN HIS SUICIDE NOTE HE SAID THAT HE COULD NOT STAND THE SHAME ANY LONGER. LEY’S SUICIDE CREATED CONSIDERABLE CONSTERNATION IN THE PRISON DETACHMENT. 

Andrus kept Ley’s death a secret from his fellow detainees until October 29. Goering is in his cell speaking with Gilbert when he finally receives the grim news. After the officer delivering the message leaves the cell, Goering turns to the psychologist, his reaction revealing his preoccupation with the defense’s overall strategy and posture. 

GOERING: IT’S JUST AS WELL THAT HE’S DEAD, BECAUSE I HAD MY DOUBTS ABOUT HOW HE WOULD BEHAVE AT THE TRIAL. HE’S ALWAYS BEEN SO SCATTERBRAINED – ALWAYS MAKING SUCH FANTASTIC AND BOMBASTIC SPEECHES. I’M SURE HE WOULD HAVE MADE A SPECTACLE OF HIMSELF AT THE TRIAL. 

In the lead-up to the trial, Goering struggles to maintain esprit-de-corps even as communication with his co-defendants becomes fraught, even as he contemplates his own inevitable fate. 

NOVEMBER 20 

The lengthy indictment is read on this day. During the midday break, as lunch is brought to the defendants in the dock, Goering hands out cigarettes. On the morning of the tribunal’s second day, the defendants file into the dock and take their seats. Goering wears a pale blue Luftwaffe tunic without insignia or decorations. He is freshly-shaven, his dark hair brushed back. His composure and confidence are apparent to all. “He was the only one of these defendants,” observes journalist Rebecca West, “who, if he had the chance, would have walked out of the Palace of Justice and taken over Germany again.”

Despite all his self-discipline and bravado, however, Goering stumbles at the gate. Rising to enter his plea, he prepares to read an opening statement, only to have IMT President Sir Geoffrey Lawrence shut him down; Goering defaults to a non-plea that questions the validity of the proceedings (“I declare myself in the sense of the indictment not guilty”). It’s a strategy several of his co-defendants imitate. And then, Goering is effectively muzzled. Until he takes the stand in March, 1946, the Reichsmarschall is restricted to exclamations and muttered asides, for which he is quickly censured by the judges. Yet as his biographers note, Goering somehow turns this enforced silence into an opportunity for colorful self-expression. 

MANVELL AND FRAENKEL: GOERING LOST LITTLE TIME IN SHOWING OFF HIS SELF-CONFIDENCE. HE DISPLAYED HIS CONTEMPT FOR WHAT THE ADVOCATES OR HIS FELLOW PRISONERS WERE SAYING; TIME AND AGAIN HE TURNED TO MAKE GESTURES OR WHISPER REMARKS. HE SHOOK HIS HEAD WHEN HE DISAGREED, OR SQUIRMED IN HIS SEAT. HE SCOWLED. HE GRINNED. HE LAUGHED. SOMETIMES HE SWORE AND MUTTERED TO HIMSELF, AND WHEN [RUDOLF] HESS, WHO SAT BESIDE HIM THROUGHOUT THE TRIAL, MADE A FOOL OF HIMSELF, HE CONSTANTLY ATTEMPTED TO SILENCE HIM. ALL THE WHILE HE WAS ALERT TO SCORE WHAT POINTS HE COULD IN HIS FAVOR. IN THE FILM RECORD OF THE TRIAL HE CAN BE SEEN SCRIBBLING NOTES, FINGERING HIS EARPHONES, TURNING TO THE OTHER DEFENDANTS, CHECKING POINTS OF FACT, ADVISING EVERYONE AROUND HIM WITH NODS AND ASIDES AS TO WHAT HE SHOULD THINK AND SAY. 

As Jackson and his fellow prosecutors assail the men in the dock, Goering engages in a sort of mute grandstanding, registering his moods and opinions by mugging for the crowd. Denied the opportunity to speak, Goering nevertheless defiantly stares Civilization, and Jackson, down. The full force of Goering’s pent-up eloquence will be unleashed when he takes the stand in his own defense on March 13.